I'm trying not to be a total reactionary, but I'm losing.
We're hearing from every corner about the President's "realism," and I get where that's coming from.
Still, I could have done without the man invoking Gandhi and Dr. King in his speech.
To do so implies there's some parallel universe where principles of non-violence may be given their due, but not in the "real" world occupied by Mr. Obama and the rest of us.
That's just sloppy self-service.
Gandhi and King both brought down the most powerful political and economic interests of their respective cultures without once taking up the sword. That's sort of the point to the whole thing: those with insufficient firepower to kill their way to a decent position in the world still have perfectly functional tools to achieve social goals.
It's not a fuzzy choice. You either believe people's minds are changed through violence or you don't. I don't see any middle ground there, yet I'm asked to believe it's a wiser man than I who can successfully embrace war to reach peaceful goals. Those who do believe in war always invoke Hitler and WWII as examples of necessary force against absolute evil. That's a pat argument, and difficult to dispute because it's true that absolute evil requires special treatment when it slips out of its customary place as a rhetorical device.
I don't think we face any unstoppable, absolute evil in the world at this time. I think it's highly unusual that we ever do. Absolute evil is about as common as absolute good. Still, it's undeniably convenient to compare anyone at cross purposes with one's agenda to Hitler, and if you buy that kind of argument, then war is inevitably going to be your answer. That's what Mr. Obama has chosen to do with our foreign policy, and I appreciate the delicacy of his position. Perhaps he has no alternatives available to him.
I have no idea what he has to do to remain alive and in power, but I do understand he's an intelligent and thoughtful man trapped in the worst job on the planet.
In the end, I don't believe he believes what he said in Oslo.
Also, before you get the impression I'm fond of Islamic fundamentalism, let me hasten to say that's not the case. I don't cast my lot with any religious fundamentalists, or with authoritarians of any stripe. Thirty years ago I thought we needed to address our problems with the Arab world in a more realistic manner, and saw this same "Islamic" agenda as the most insidious ideology we'd have to contend with going into the future.
Unfortunately, we haven't found a way to make any sensible response to that challenge, and for so long as it's convenient to have a resident devil, I'm pretty sure we won't.
From the '50s onward, our espionage community has been pretty active in creating and protecting the very people we're told are the greatest threats to our survival. Without "godless Communism" to kick around, "Islamic fundamentalism" is pretty handy, and, like the nonsense economic theory that preceded it as our bete noir, it's chances of succeeding are severely limited by the self-destructive tendencies inherent in the philosophy.
We're hearing from every corner about the President's "realism," and I get where that's coming from.
Still, I could have done without the man invoking Gandhi and Dr. King in his speech.
To do so implies there's some parallel universe where principles of non-violence may be given their due, but not in the "real" world occupied by Mr. Obama and the rest of us.
That's just sloppy self-service.
Gandhi and King both brought down the most powerful political and economic interests of their respective cultures without once taking up the sword. That's sort of the point to the whole thing: those with insufficient firepower to kill their way to a decent position in the world still have perfectly functional tools to achieve social goals.
It's not a fuzzy choice. You either believe people's minds are changed through violence or you don't. I don't see any middle ground there, yet I'm asked to believe it's a wiser man than I who can successfully embrace war to reach peaceful goals. Those who do believe in war always invoke Hitler and WWII as examples of necessary force against absolute evil. That's a pat argument, and difficult to dispute because it's true that absolute evil requires special treatment when it slips out of its customary place as a rhetorical device.
I don't think we face any unstoppable, absolute evil in the world at this time. I think it's highly unusual that we ever do. Absolute evil is about as common as absolute good. Still, it's undeniably convenient to compare anyone at cross purposes with one's agenda to Hitler, and if you buy that kind of argument, then war is inevitably going to be your answer. That's what Mr. Obama has chosen to do with our foreign policy, and I appreciate the delicacy of his position. Perhaps he has no alternatives available to him.
I have no idea what he has to do to remain alive and in power, but I do understand he's an intelligent and thoughtful man trapped in the worst job on the planet.
In the end, I don't believe he believes what he said in Oslo.
Also, before you get the impression I'm fond of Islamic fundamentalism, let me hasten to say that's not the case. I don't cast my lot with any religious fundamentalists, or with authoritarians of any stripe. Thirty years ago I thought we needed to address our problems with the Arab world in a more realistic manner, and saw this same "Islamic" agenda as the most insidious ideology we'd have to contend with going into the future.
Unfortunately, we haven't found a way to make any sensible response to that challenge, and for so long as it's convenient to have a resident devil, I'm pretty sure we won't.
From the '50s onward, our espionage community has been pretty active in creating and protecting the very people we're told are the greatest threats to our survival. Without "godless Communism" to kick around, "Islamic fundamentalism" is pretty handy, and, like the nonsense economic theory that preceded it as our bete noir, it's chances of succeeding are severely limited by the self-destructive tendencies inherent in the philosophy.